历史版本3:从禅悟到硅谷 返回词条

美国垮派禅宗IT简史，赛博朋克文化参考读物。本文为此书前言

1985年4月，当我在为旧金山州立大学的Alvin Fine纪念讲座写作此文时，我并不完全清楚，自1969年我写完The Making of a Counter Culture一书后，时代已发生了如何的改变。但很快我便明白了。在讲座前的几周，旧金山州立大学外联部门的一名学生找到我，想组织一些校园宣传活动。他问了一个问题。

"Where's Satori?"

“禅悟在哪里？”

"What?" I asked.

“什么？”我问。

"Your lecture is called 'From Satori to Silicon Valley,' " he explained. "I know where Silicon Valley is. But where's Satori?"

“你的讲座叫做‘从禅悟到硅谷’，”他解释道。“我知道硅谷在哪里。但禅悟是哪里？”

"The Zen state of enlightenment ... you never heard of that?"

“禅悟是禅宗所说的开悟……你从来没听说过这个？”

"Oh. I never took any courses in Oriental religion "

“噢。我从来没修过东方宗教的课。”

I started to explain the term, spelling out its once obvious connection with the counter culture of the sixties.

我便开始解释这个概念，解释它与六十年代反文化的关联。而这层联系，曾经非常显明。

"Counter culture," he interrupted. "That's ... hippies. All like that."

“反文化，”他打断我说道，“那就是……嬉皮士咯。嬉皮士的那些东西。”

Suddenly I felt one hundred years old.

突然之间我觉得我足足有一百岁那么老。

I often feel that way these days. I teach students now who have no clear idea what a sit-in or a teach-in was, who no longer remember the Days of Rage or the Summer of Love, Vietnam or Watergate. Woodstock for them is only a picture in their textbooks, the Chicago Seven (or was it Eight?) are an unknown quantity.

近来我也常常有这样的感觉。现在我需要教一些不知道“静坐示威”或“示教”（六十年代学生占领公地进行宣传演讲的一种形式）为何物的学生，他们也不会记起愤怒三日（Days of Rage）或是爱之夏（Summer of Love），他们也不会记起越南战争或是水门事件。伍德斯托克对于他们来说只是教材里的一张图片，芝加哥七人（又或者是八人？）对于他们来说是一个未知的组合。

Only to be expected. After all, when I was making my way through college, what did I know about Sacco and Vanzetti ... the Memorial Day Massacre ... the Moscow Trials ... ? Time passes. Social memory is a shifting cloud. The young, awkwardly segueing into citizenhood, leave ancestral traumas and triumphs behind. Which is as it should be. One hopes they will go on to better things of their own.

这其实是可以预料到的。毕竟，当我走向大学时，我又哪里知道Sacco和Vanzetti……或是纪念日大屠杀（the Memorial Day Massacre）……或是莫斯科审判（the Moscow Trials）……呢？时光飞逝。社会记忆如浮云般飘忽。年轻的一代在别别扭扭地成为社会公民时，也将先辈的伤痛和伟大胜利留在了身后。而这也是理所当然的。我们总是希望他们能够独自走向更美好的前程。

Will they? There is no guarantee, but knowing a little history might help. And having some idea of where satori is can't hurt.

可是他们能吗？这可不一定，但了解一点历史或许会有所帮助。再了解一点“禅悟”是哪里大概也没什么害处。

But do bear in mind as you read, that this essay dates back to 1985. Rather than revise to take account of all that has happened in the world of high tech since then, I have made only minor changes of style. That might seem to risk leaving a lot uncovered. But the main issue under discussion in this essay, the convoluted interplay between Technophiles and Reversionaries within the counter culture of the sixties and seventies, remains a significant history lesson for those interested in the greater meaning of computers in our culture. As for other social and technological developments since the advent of the first Macintosh, much of this is covered in my book The Cult of Information: A Neo-Luddite Treatise on High Tech, Artificial Intelligence, and the True Art of Thinking, available in a second edition from the University of California Press as of 1995.

但阅读此文时请谨记，此文写于1985年。我并没有将自那时以来高科技领域发生的一切补充记录下来，而仅仅是做了文字上的轻微改动。这样做似乎有遗漏甚多的危险。但本文所要讨论的主要话题，也就是，技术狂人与复古主义者在六十年代和七十年代的反文化中的诡异互动，对于想要了解计算机在我们文化中更广泛的意义的人来说，仍是有重要历史意义的一课。至于自第一台苹果电脑诞生以来的社会与科技进步，大部分在我所著的The Cult of Information: A Neo-Luddite Treatise on High Tech, Artificial Intelligence, and the True Art of Thinking第二版（1995，the University of California Press）中有所记述。

Rather than revise the original essay, I have added a few afterthoughts in two new sections at the end. "Nerds, Zombies, and the Flight from Mortality" deals in greater depth with what I now see as the Gnostic undercurrent of Technophilia. The final section, "Down Among the Cyberpunks," faces up to the fact that neither Technophiles nor Reversionaries achieved the utopian vista they had in view. Instead, another force has won the day. That leaves us to look for hope in odd places, perhaps among the uneasy dreams of digital outlaws.

尽管没有修改原文，我在本书末尾增加了两节跋。“Nerds, Zombies, and the Flight from Mortality”深入讨论了我眼中的技术狂面孔下掩藏的诺斯底主义潜流。最后一节，“Down Among the Cyberpunks”，则讨论了技术狂和复古派都未能达致他们憧憬的乌托邦理想这一历史事实。取而代之的是，另一股力量赢得了历史。这使我们开始在一些奇怪的地方寻找希望，或许，这希望存在于数码时代叛逆之徒的不羁的梦中。

在一个无时无刻不怀旧的年代，新鲜出炉的新闻事件在有可能成为历史之前，先会化身为民间传奇。这对于我们所说的“六十年代”来说尤其正确。那一时期──自五十年代末期起至七十年代中期──弥散于美利坚的反文化已经成为了电视节目经常演绎的经典图像，并且进入了我们高中和大学的历史教材中。它总是出现在末尾的几章，当课文如狂暴的潮水般地记述完越战和水门事件后，便绷着脸向着卡特和里根执政的年代退潮而去。通常的说法是，心高气傲、不修边幅、蓬头垢面的年轻人，在露天的公园、草地或是森林中嬉戏。他们蓬乱的头发或散乱，或如印第安人那般被束在脑后。他们的衣服打着补丁，缀着流苏还有串珠──混杂着原始的杂乱和粗放的华美。

Were there ever such people -- really? Yes and no. Every social movement leaves behind recollections at once insightful and misleading. The study of history would be lost without them. The stereotypic Abolitionist, Robber Baron, Progressive Reformer, New Dealer is as good a place as any to begin understanding the past, but each of these inherited images needs critical adjusting. Also remember that stereotypes in their own right tell us much about social hopes, fantasies, and fears. And each has its history.

这些人真的存在么？存在，又不存在。每一场社会运动都会在其身后同时留下富于洞见的和令人误解的社会记忆。没有了这些记忆，对历史的研究将无处可去。形象刻板的废奴主义者，19世纪被称作“强盗男爵”的商人和银行家，1890年到1920年美国进步时代的改革者们，还有罗斯福新政，都是理解历史的绝好起点，但这每一个被刻板塑造出的形象都需要批判的修正。同时要记住，这些刻板的形象本身，同样向我们展示着社会记忆中的希望、幻想和恐惧。而每一个形象，又都有其自身的历史。

For some years now (since about half way through the seventies) I have had the oppressive sense of an embarrassed reluctance on all sides to recall the role that was once played in our society by the people whom the media named beatniks, hippies, flower children. When their period in history is mentioned, many hasten to attach a snide disclaimer, a wised-up dismissal. We peer back in time through decades of fickle journalism, national self-doubt, and social backlash, wondering if the dissenting politics of the sixties might simply have been another media fiction. Certainly in recent years, the only flesh and blood examples of the countercultural image I have come across have been the barely surviving casualties of the era that still haunt downtown Berkeley, panhandling for spare change. Their sad squalor is evidence of nothing braver or more inspiring than being bummed out and overaged.

（自70年代中）这么多年以来，我一直尴尬地试图避免回忆那些被媒体称作“垮掉的一代”、嬉皮士、花之子等等名号的人在社会中曾扮演的角色。当他们所处的那一段历史被提起时，很多人都会立刻附上鄙夷的论断，或是故作聪明的批评。当我们透过若干年代以来嬗变的新闻、全民族的自我反省和社会对抗回望那个年代时，不禁怀疑六十年代的异议政治是否仅仅是另一个媒体虚构出的故事。当然了，近年来我所接触到的都是一些勉强熬过那个年代的“反文化”人物，他们至今仍然游荡在伯克利的城中心，向路人乞讨零钱度日。他们那可怜的住所，不过是他们被放逐和被淘汰的证据，而不是什么勇敢或励志的经历。

Yet, with a little effort and some candor, I can remember the happier originals of these faded caricatures as they once enlivened the streets of the Haight-Ashbury and Telegraph Avenue. In its time, their persona of ragged independence -- or some reasonable facsimile thereof -- was a proud and prominent emblem of cultural disaffiliation blossoming in the streets of every major city, on the campus of every minor college and high school. It was a stance that claimed to have broken irrevocably with the urban-industrial culture that ruled the world then, and more so now. The style purported to be "natural," "organic," a principled rejection of well-behaved, antiseptic, upwardly mobile middle-class habits in favor of a return to folk origins and lost traditions. A bit of the Bohemian rebel, a bit of the noble savage. Those who assumed the full dissenting identity of the time spoke of themselves as "freaks" and assembled in hastily improvised and ephemeral "tribes" where simple and funky living was the rule. At the Morning Star Ranch in Marin, the residents called their way of life "voluntary primitivism," a design for living that transcended both excessive affluence and minimal hygiene.

但只需要努力一点坦率一点，我便能记起这些已经慢慢消逝的形象的不那么可怜的缘起，正是他们，曾经令旧金山Haight-Ashbury一带的街道和伯克利校园南沿的电报大街生气勃勃。在那个年代，他们粗犷独立的人格──还有一些尚算合理的模仿者──曾经是独立文化的骄傲而又显明的标志，在每一个大城市的街上、每一个小学院和高中的校园里盛放。他们摆出与那时统驭着世界而如今更盛的工业化城市文化彻底决裂的姿态。他们的风格，据称是“自然的”，“有机的”，原则上拒绝那种循规蹈矩、讲究卫生、追求上进的中产阶级习气，崇尚回归已经逝去了的民间传统。带着一点波希米亚式的反叛，还有一点贵族气的粗暴。那时自认是彻底的异议人士的人自称为“怪胎”，并且聚居在草草搭起来的临时“部落”里，在那里，简单而邋遢是他们的生活准则。在Marin的晨星牧场，那里的居民管他们的生活方式叫做“自觉的原始主义”，一种超越了过度富裕，也超越了最低卫生条件的生活设计。

For some, the search for a postindustrial alternative led out of the cities to rural communes, few of which were destined to survive. But even in the cities, one could find "collectives" where the ethos was that of urban cave-dwellers, camping out indoors. In Berkeley in the late sixties, when my wife and I were looking for a house to rent, we had occasion to inspect a number of these domestic experiments -- or what was left in their wake after the resident tribe had decamped without paying the rent. Musty houses in a state of advanced disrepair where the inhabitants had once pitched tents in the living room or spent the night in sleeping bags. In the kitchens, pantries were filled with stale brown rice and active vermin; in the refrigerators, one might find several months' supply of spoiled groceries and well-sprouted soy cakes. In these quarters, one sensed that organic foods were a sort of talisman, sufficiently potent in their very presence to repeal the germ theory of disease. Also there were the signs of many animals once in residence and still haunting the premises -- unleashed, unhousebroken, very likely unfed. In the Haight-Ashbury and the East Bay, there was a cult of the "organic dog" -- the larger, the less washed and tamed, the better. For a period, there were neighborhoods in Berkeley and San Francisco that took on the look and the fragrance of barnyards or hunting camps.

对于某些人来说，寻找一种替代后工业时代生活的努力，将他们引出了城市，进入乡间的公社，而那些公社多数都解体了。但即便是在城市里，人们也能找到城市穴居人一般的“集体”，在室内过着野营般的生活。六十年代末期在伯克利，我和我的妻子在寻找出租屋时曾经考察过几处这样的生活实验──又或者，那只是他们在没付清房租前便搬走时留下的东西。房子多半破败不堪，长满霉菌，里面的住客都曾在客厅里搭起帐篷，或是在睡袋里过夜。厨房里则是陈年的糙米，还有四处活动的害虫；冰箱里或许可以找到已经变质的够吃几个月的杂货，还有长满了毛的豆饼。在这些地方，有机食品的概念似乎成为他们的护身符，似乎这个概念本身便能击败有关疾病的细菌理论，保证他们吃了没事。另外，住地里会有很多动物居住的痕迹，有些仍在里面游荡──没有绳子栓着，没有经过驯化，而且很有可能饿着肚子没人喂养。在Haight-Ashbury和East Bay，有一群信仰所谓“有机狗”的教众──个头越大，清洁越少，训练越少便越好。有一段时期，伯克利和旧金山的某些街区都沾上了农场和狩猎场的样貌和气息。

The people who lived through these episodes, once at war with the parental generation of their day, have themselves become the parents of the students I now teach. They did not vanish in a puff of smoke but have lived on as part of the eighty-million strong baby boom generation to find jobs, raise families, run for office, play the market. Some of them, mainly women, now show up in my classes as "older students," often returning to take up the education they dropped out of twenty-some years ago. Now in their forties or fifties with easily another thirty years of longevity ahead of them, these aging boomers sometimes seek me out during office hours to lament how difficult it is for them to raise their kids in this era of crack cocaine and AIDS. Dare they be as permissive as their parents once were when Dr. Spock was the domestic gospel? Looking back, they, like me, are left with many questions, not least of all how we got from the heady idealism of the counter culture to Reaganomics and the Moral Majority, Nine Inch Nails and the dot.com feeding frenzy.

经历过那个时代的人，在结束了同父母一辈的人的争吵后，已经成为了如今我的学生的父母。他们不会像一团烟雾般噗的一声消失，而是同八百万“婴儿潮一代”一样，寻找工作，养育家庭，竞选公职，操弄经济市场。他们中的某些人，主要是女性，现在会以“高龄学生”的身份出现在我的课堂里，补起他们二十多年前丢下的课程。现在四五十岁的他们，应该不难再余三十年的寿命。他们会在答疑时间找到我，痛陈在一个毒品和艾滋病泛滥的年代养育小孩是多么困难的一件事。他们的父母所处的年代，反对体罚的Spock医生成为了民众的福音教士，现如今，他们还敢如此放纵孩子吗？回望过去，他们，同我一样，有着很多疑问，不知道我们是如何从反文化那令人头脑发热的理想主义，走向了所谓“里根经济学”，和倡导保守派基督教观念的“Moral Majority”，还有工业摇滚乐队“九寸钉”，和疯狂的.com泡沫。

I'm not sure I know. But I have these thoughts about the line of descent that led from satori to Silicon Valley.

我不确定我知道问题的答案。但我在试图理清从禅悟到硅谷的家谱时，我想起了这些事。

或许这场带有标志意义的、试图使西方文明“返璞归真”的运动的最高潮，是伯克利那个短命而又喧嚣的“人民公园（People's Park）”。旧金山1967年1月14日那天的全人类大游行（Human Be-In）持续了一天，在纽约州北部举行的伍德斯托克音乐节持续了一个周末，而人民公园则将永载史册。这一事件或许可被视为Haight-Ashbury“发掘者”（即兴演员兼社区活动组织）所倡导的“直接行动”的社会哲学的高潮。在1966年发布了一系列号召建立城市无政府主义生活秩序的大幅海报后，“发掘者”启动了一场以“食品免费，因为它原本便属于你”为口号的免费食品派发活动，每天一场，（他们派发的食品，或是自城内商户中偷盗而来，或是免费讨来，大多数是不甚新鲜的食品，虽然无法继续出售，但仍可食用。）主要向街头越来越多的、年轻的流浪人群派发。但历史上第一批“发掘者”──也就是17世纪活跃于英格兰的那一批──从来就不是乞讨者；他们是潜在的革命家。那些流离失所的农民和手工业者，宣布自己占据的土地为人民的“共有财产”，并且开始在其上耕作。（事实上他们并没有占据太多土地；“发掘者”的总人数也不过几十人而已。他们也没能占太久；仅仅几个月后他们便被驱逐，甚至连罪犯都没当成，而是被谴责为疯子。）

People's Park in Berkeley 1969 revived that original Digger ideal. A piece of the city's turf had been liberated by some shaggy squatters (and their dogs) from Governor Reagan and the University Regents. Promptly, the word went out for the tribes to pitch their tents, cultivate their gardens, warm their bones by the campfire, and create the Organic Commonwealth. In People's Park, the aboriginals -- their history dated back all of several days at most -- called themselves "sod brothers" and set about planting crops that never sprouted, and which few would have stayed put long enough to harvest. In any case, the Governor and the Regents quashed the experiment before it had the chance to fail, leaving it as another emblematic gesture along the way. The history of the period is mainly a collection of such emblems and symbols, evocative but ephemeral.

1969年伯克利的人民公园令原初的“发掘者”理想重生。一些披头散发的流浪汉（还有他们的狗）从当时还是加州州长的里根和Regents大学的手中解放了一块城里的草地。很快地，城里的“部族”们便接到了通知，前来安营扎寨，培育花园，生起篝火暖和身子骨，并且创立了所谓“有机联邦”。在人民公园，土著居民们──尽管他们的历史最多也就几天而已──自称为“草皮兄弟”，他们开始种植粮食，尽管那些作物从未发芽，也没有足够的时间生长至收获。州长和大学在这场实验尚未自行走向失败之前便将其剿灭，使其成为历史中又一个标志性的立场和姿态。这一时期的历史，基本上便是这种标志和符号的集合，富有煽动性，却又短命。

There were those, however, who took the stalking of the wild asparagus more seriously and put a deal of inventive thought and practical energy into the skills of postindustrial survival. There was, for example, the Portola Institute in Menlo Park, which dates from 1966. From it, along a number of routes, one can trace the origins of several ingenious projects in the Bay Area whose aim was to scale down, democratize, and humanize our hypertrophic technological society. These included the Briarpatch Network, the Farallones Institute, the Integral Urban House, the Simple Living Project.

On the national scene, the most visible of these efforts was The Whole Earth Catalog of 1968, a landmark publication of the period. The Catalog was an exuberant compendium of resourceful possibilities for laid back, but self-reliant living: wood-burning stoves, home remedies, mail-order moccasins, durable tools. I can recall a meeting I attended on the San Francisco peninsula where the first rather ratty looking edition of the Catalog (the print order was about 1000) was handed around the circle hot off the press. It was closely scrutinized with a mixture of wide-eyed wonder and honest glee. For, yes, here were the tools and skills of the alternative folk economy-to-come, tribal technology ready to be ordered and put to work. When the cities collapsed (as they were certain to do) and all the supply lines froze up (which might be any day now), these would be the means of cunning survival. Right there for all to see was a blueprint of the world's best tipi. There was even a book available for a modest price that showed how to deliver your own baby in a log cabin.

从全美范围来看，这些项目中最著名的当属1968年的《全地球目录》（The Whole Earth Catalog），这是那个时期具有标志意义的一份出版物。目录巨细靡遗地介绍了轻松愉快而又自给自足的生活方式的各种可能：柴火暖炉，家庭药方，邮购翻毛拖鞋，和经久耐用的工具。我还能记得，在旧金山半岛上参加的一次会议中，第一份看上去颇为山寨的目录（印数只有大约1000本）从印刷机上热乎乎地下线后，便在众人手中传开了。目录会被仔细的翻阅，目光里混杂着眼界大开的惊喜和发自内心的喜悦。因为，实实在在地，你能读到即将到来的、替代工业化的民本经济模式所需的工具和技巧，以及订购和使用都很容易的“部族”专属的技术应用。当城市崩溃时（很显然城市会崩溃）而所有的供应链都冻结时（如今这种可能性更大了），这些将成为你不择手段地力图生存下来的工具。就在书中，是一份印给所有人的、全世界最好的避难营的蓝图。甚至还有一本价钱便宜的书，教你如何在一个木头小屋里给婴儿接生。

How many who read the Catalog ever ordered its goods or used its advice? I suspect that, for many, it was more the banner of a cause than the real tool it was meant to be. But even if one discounts most of these gestures as impractical whimsy, they stand as a provocative assertion of justified discontent which reached out, however unsteadily, toward organic values that our industrial culture has left far behind. That assertion, so I believe, represented much that was best in America's abbreviated countercultural episode. Somewhere in that longing for an earthier texture of life, there lay the saving sensibility that might have disciplined our runaway industrialism and given it a human face. Certainly we have had no stronger an appetite for social and economic alternatives, no livelier a discussion of major issues facing our high industrial system than we experienced during this brief, superheated interval. What is a sane standard of production and consumption? What is the true wealth of nations? What is the meaning of work, of leisure, of community, of masculinity and femininity, of freedom and fulfillment? What is the relationship of economy to environment? How do we create an economics of permanence? What are the values of a planetary culture? I cannot recall the last time I heard a discussion of such great questions that was animated with the energies of possibility.

If the wishful paradigm that sparked discussion of issues like these was a somewhat romanticized neo-primitivism, that may be of less intellectual importance than the quality of the ideas that soon found currency within this unlikely public of dissenting and dropped-out middle class youth. For these included the humanly-scaled economics (sometimes quaintly called the "Buddhist economics") of E. F Schumacher, the communitarian philosophy of Paul Goodman and Murray Bookchin, the feminist insurgency of the women's movement, the convivial social theories of Ivan Illych, the ecological poetics of Gary Snyder, the manifold insights of the humanistic and human potential psychologies. Like so many tributaries, these currents of thought at last flowed into the environmental movement of the early seventies, which survives as the most durable offshoot of countercultural protest.

如果说，激发了上述讨论的理想主义意识形态是一种或多或少浪漫化了的新复古主义的话，那么，那些出身于中产阶级家庭却出人意料地退了学的叛逆的年轻人所持的理念，或许便有了更高的思想价值。因为这其中包括了E. F Schumacher倡导的“全人类的经济模式”（有时被奇怪地称为“佛教经济学”），Paul Goodman和Murray Bookchin的社群哲学，女性主义的兴起，Ivan Illych的the convival social theories，Gary Snyder的生态主义诗歌，还有各种各样强调人性和人类潜能的心理学理论。这些思想的激流，同那许多部族居民一样，最后汇流进70年代早期的环保运动中，最后也成为反文化抗议运动中最持久的一股支流存活了下来。

Permeating all these issues was a peculiarly west coast American reading of Zen-Taoist nature mysticism, a reborn sense of allegiance to the Earth and its rhythms which centered especially in the postwar Bay Area. The positive side of youthful disaffiliation during the sixties was the discovery of a new postindustrial standard of wealth and well-being that borrowed heavily upon oriental philosophy. I have met academic specialists who insist that Alan Watts, who did so much to popularize Zen, did not grasp the authentic meaning of satori. So it would be hazardous to say how many members of the untutored counter culture achieved a studied knowledge of this elusive tradition. But many had at least acquired from these exotic sources an awareness of values that commanded no respect in the mainstream of our frenzied industrial economy: a trust in the organism and the spontaneous patterns of nature, a sense of right livelihood, a taste for pleasures of the senses and splendors of the mind that money cannot buy nor machines produce. Learnedness may not always have been there, but longing was. And sometimes timely intuition supplies what scholarship cannot provide. If the raggle-taggle youth of the sixties had any guiding star before them, I think it was the hobo Taoist saints and shabby Zen masters, civilization's original anarchist philosophers, wise fools who taught the art of living lightly on the Earth. Young and raw as the counter culture may have been, there were those in its ranks who recognized the relevance of that tradition to the needs of a society sunk over its eyes in an obsessive struggle to conquer nature, to obliterate all traditional wisdom in the name of "progress," to transform the entire planet into an industrial artifact. They perceived the nuclear death-wish that lies at the core of that Promethean obsession and, accordingly, they proposed a more becoming human alternative.

贯穿于这些话题的，是美国西海岸的一股奇特的禅宗-道教自然神秘主义的阅读潮流，以及一种意欲同自然及其韵律归一的思想，这种思想尤其以二战后的旧金山湾区为中心，卷土重来。六十年代的青年反叛运动的正面意义，在于他们发现了后工业时代的财富和幸福的新标准，而这些理念，很大程度上借鉴自东方哲学。我曾经见过一些学术专家，坚称尽管Alan Watts为推广禅宗贡献良多，却并没有真正理解禅悟的本意。所以，如果要去统计究竟有多少反文化运动的成员真正理解了禅宗这种难以捉摸的传统，最终的数字恐怕会是一场灾难。但至少，很多人自这些异域文化中，习得了对一些被我们疯狂的主流工业经济模式所漠视的价值的关注，诸如：信赖有机生态和自然中自发的秩序，对生命力的感知，对感官的愉悦以及金钱买不到机器也生产不出的精神享受的品味。或许他们并非精深博学之士，但他们一直在努力追寻。有时正是这种恰逢其时的本能提供了学识无法提供的东西。如果说这些身份混杂的60年代年轻人眼前有什么指路明灯的话，我想那该是浪迹江湖的道家圣人，和衣衫褴褛的禅宗大师，他们是人类文明最原初的无政府主义哲学家，是教会我们应当如何在这个地球上轻巧地生活的睿智的愚人。我们的社会已如此沉迷于征服自然，以“发展”之名罔顾一切传统智慧，试图把整个地球变成一坨工业产品；尽管他们或许同反文化运动一样年轻粗砾，但其中仍有人意识到了，那来自东方的传统，与我们社会所需要的价值观之间的关联。他们意识到了潜藏在普罗米修斯式的沉迷执著之中的核战争自杀情节，并且，相应地，提出了一个更有吸引力的关于人类社会的构想。

One of the earliest and strongest statements of the ideal can be found in Gary Snyder's terse manifesto "Buddhist Anarchism." It appears in The Journal for the Protection of All Beings, another landmark publication of the era, this one issued by Lawrence Ferlinghetti's City Lights Books in 1961.

这种理想的最早也是最坚定的宣言之一，是Gary Snyder简明的“佛教无政府主义”宣言。它发表于The Journal for the Protection of All Beings，由Lawrence Ferlinghetti的城市之光书店于1961年发行，是那个时期另一份具有里程碑意义的出版物。

Modern America has become economically dependent on a fantastic system of stimulation of greed which cannot be fulfilled, sexual desire which cannot be satiated, and hatred which has no outlet except against oneself or the persons one is supposed to love. The conditions of the cold war have turned all modem societies, Soviet included, into hopeless brainstainers, creating populations of "preta" -- hungry ghosts -- with giant appetites and throats no bigger than needles. The soil, and forests, and all animal life are being wrecked to feed these cancerous mechanisms.

现代美国在经济上所依赖的梦幻般的体系，专事于刺激不可能被满足的贪欲和性欲，并且鼓动人们仇恨自身和那些他本应去爱的人。冷战已经将所有的现代社会，包括苏联在内，变为无药可救的思想的桎梏，大量地制造着“preta”──贪欲惊人，而喉管却又窄如细针般的恶鬼。土地、森林，和所有动物的生命都被摧毁，用来喂食这些如癌肿般的机体。

The disaffiliation and acceptance of poverty by practicing Buddhists becomes a positive force. The traditional harmlessness and refusal to take life in any form has nation-shaking implications. The practice of meditation, for which one needs "only the ground beneath one's feet" wipes out mountains of junk being pumped into the mind by, "communications" and supermarket universities. The belief in a serene and generous fulfillment of natural desires . . . destroys arbitrary frustration-creating customs and points the way to a kind of community that would amaze moralists and eliminate armies of men who are fighters because they cannot be lovers.

于是，修佛时的反叛以及主动地清贫度日便成为一股正面的力量。拒绝杀生、拒绝伤害的修行，在全美范围内产生了影响。而倡导“脚下只需一片空地”的冥想打坐，扫除了“商业讯息”和如同大学一般给人洗脑的超市灌进人们脑中的堆积如山的垃圾。相信人能够平和、坦荡地满足自然的欲求，也打破了无来由的、给人带来困扰的陈规陋习，并指向了一全新的社群，这种社群足以令道德家们惊异，也将那些只因不懂如何关爱而以攻奸为生的人消灭。

A TASTE FOR INDUSTRIAL LIGHT AND MAGIC

追逐工业光魔

But now, if we were to fix upon this one aspect of the counter culture -- its mystic tendencies and principled funkiness -- we would not be doing justice to the deep ambiguity of the movement. We would be overlooking the allegiance it maintained, for all its vigorous dissent, to a certain irrepressible Yankee ingenuity, a certain world-beating American fascination with making and doing. For along one important line of descent, it is within this same population of rebels and drop-outs that we can find the inventors and entrepreneurs who helped lay the foundations of the California computer industry. The connections between these two seemingly contradictory aspects of the movement are fascinating to draw out and ponder -- especially since both wings of the counter culture came to be more fully unfolded here in the San Francisco Bay Area than any place else. This is where the Zen-Taoist impulse arose and found (for example, in the San Francisco Zen Center) its most studied expression in America; this is where the mendicant-communitarian lifestyle, both urban and rural, found its main public examples; this is where the new ecological sensibility first announced its presence and first organized its political energies. And this is where the inspired young hackers who would revolutionize Silicon Valley gathered in their greatest numbers.

但是现在，如果我们要专注于反文化的这一个方面──也就是它的神秘主义倾向和骨子里的复古主义──那么我们对于这场极度含混不清的运动便是不公平的。我们会轻视这场运动中那些积极的异议分子所坚守的那无法压抑的属于美国的创造力、和靠着实干震撼了整个世界的属于美国的魅力。因为沿着这条重要的家谱追溯下去，正是在这一批叛逆者和辍学生中，我们可以发现那些为加利福尼亚的计算机产业奠定了基础的发明家和企业家。这场运动看似矛盾的两个方面之间的关系，是令人惊异并引人深思的──尤其是反文化运动的两派最终都在旧金山湾区而不是其他任何一处被完整地展现。禅-道运动正是从这里首先兴起，并使旧金山成为全美禅-道研修水平最高的中心（例如，旧金山的禅宗中心）；也正是在这里，乞讨-社群主义（mendicant-communitarian）的生活方式，在城市和农村中，同时得以向公众展现自己；也正是在这里，全新的生态保护运动第一次宣告自身的存在，并且集合起自己的政治力量。也正是在这里，受到了启示的年轻黑客们彻底改变了他们所聚居的硅谷。

The truth is, if one probes just beneath the surface of the bucolic hippie image, one finds a puzzling infatuation with certain forms of outrè technology reaching well back into the early sixties. I first became aware of its presence when I realized that the countercultural students I knew during that period were almost exclusively, if not maniacally, readers of science fiction. They were reading more of the genre than the publishers could provide. Side by side with the appeal of folk music and primitive ways, handicrafts and organic husbandry, there was a childlike, Oh Wow! confabulation with the space-ships and miraculous mechanisms that would make Stanley Kubrick's 2001 and the television series Star Trek cult favorites, and which would eventually produce the adult audience for (and the producers of) Star Wars in the later seventies and eighties. The same eyes that were scanning the tribal past for its wonders and amazements were also on the look-out for the imagined marvels of what George Lucas would one day call "Industrial Light and Magic."

事实是，如果我们深入乡野嬉皮士形象的表面之下，便可以发现他们有一种令人费解的、对某些奇怪技术的迷恋，这种迷恋最早始于六十年代初期。我第一次意识到它的存在，是源于我发现我认识的带有反文化倾向的学生几乎都是科幻小说的读者，有些还颇为痴狂。正式印刷出版的作品已经无法满足他们对于不同流派的需求。他们在欣赏民间音乐和粗陋的技术、手工、有机畜牧业的同时，也对太空飞船和神奇的机械保持着如孩童般的兴趣，也正是这种兴趣造就了斯坦利·库布里克的《2001太空漫游》以及科幻连续剧《Star Trek》的独特观众群，并且最终创造出了七十年代末期和八十年代的《星球大战》的成年观众群（和制片人）。他们的眼睛在扫视着部族过去的奇迹和胜景的同时，也在展望着出想像中的奇景，而这奇景，后来被乔治·卢卡斯称为“工业光魔”。

Similarly, if we turn back to The Whole Earth Catalog, we can find the same hybrid taste. Alongside the rustic skills and tools, we discover high industrial techniques and instruments: stereo systems, cameras, cinematography, and, of course, computers. On one page the "Manifesto of the Mad Farmer Liberation Front" (Wendell Berry's plea for family-scaled organic agriculture); on the next, Norbert Wiener's cybernetics. I recall how this juxtaposition jarred when I first noticed it. But then I thought again and tried to restrain my doubts. There was, after all, something charming about the blithe eclecticism of this worldview. Granted that a catalog is by its very nature a mélange. But this catalog clearly meant to project a consistent vision. It seemed to be saying that all human ingenuity deserved to be celebrated from the stone axe and American Indian medicine to modem electronics. Clearly, in so saying, the Catalog spoke for an audience that wanted to see things that way. Or rather, the Catalog found the voices that could do that job. And of all the voices to which it gave a forum, none was to become more prominent than Buckminster Fuller, the man who informed a generation that it was already on board a spaceship called Planet Earth, and who presumed to write its "operating manual."

类似地，如果我们回望《全地球目录》，我们可以发现同样混杂的口味。除了古朴的手艺和工具，我们还能发现工业化的高新科技和仪器：立体声音响系统，相机，摄影，当然了，还有，电脑。在某一页上是“疯狂农民解放阵线宣言”（Wendell Berry呼吁将有机农业家庭化），而在那一页的背面便是Norbert Wiener的控制论。我记得当我第一次注意到这奇怪的排列组合时是如何震惊。但后来我又想了一想，试图为自己释疑。毕竟，这种漫不经心的折衷主义世界观是有其迷人之处的。诚然，一份目录，就其本质来说便应当是混杂的。但是，这份目录很明显地试图展现一个明晰一致的愿景。它似乎想说，所有人类的智慧，从石斧到印第安人草药到现代电子技术，都是值得赞颂的。显然，如此说来，《目录》面向的是有同样愿景的读者。又或者说， 《目录》找到了能够完成这个任务的发声器。而在《目录》这一论坛中所有的言论里，再没有能比Buckminster Fuller更加知名的了，正是他告知了那整整一代人，他们已经登上了一艘叫做地球的太空飞船，而他便要编写这艘飞船的操作手册。

Now, as of the sixties, Buckminster Fuller already had a long career behind him. The baby boom generation may have embedded the Young Demographic in our media, but the counter culture always made a generous place for wise old souls, whether voices of the past like Black Elk and Henry David Thoreau or seasoned mentors like Herbert Marcuse and Paul Goodman. Fuller's prefabricated Dymaxion House of the late twenties (also called "the four dimensional living machine") dates back to the grandparents of the countercultural generation. From that point forward, his life story went through many ups and downs; but there can be no question that the sixties (when Fuller was in his seventies) were his zenith. Not only did he make the front cover of Time magazine (in 1964), but he became one of the prophetical voices of the American counter culture, starting with a prolonged campus residency at San Jose State College that brought him to the Bay Area in early 1966. Thanks to that appearance and subsequently to the prominence Stewart Brand gave him in The Whole Earth Catalog, Fuller was launched on the final and most spectacular phase of his career. On the first page of the Catalog, the full corpus of Fuller's works was generously presented under the inscription: "the insights of Buckminster Fuller initiated this catalog." From that point forward, Fuller became the necessary presence at New Age conferences, symposia, and workshops, a sort of peripatetic global wizard who might tie his awe-inspired audience down for four or five hours at a stretch while he recited the history of the universe.

当时，在六十年代，Buckminster Fuller已经有了一段很长的职业生涯。婴儿潮一代可能已经成为我们媒体报道中所称的年轻人口，但反文化运动中总是慷慨地包容了睿智的老人，不仅有Black Elk和亨利·大卫·梭罗这些已经逝去的声音，也包括了赫伯特·马尔库塞和保罗·古德曼这样资深的青年导师。Fuller在20年代末预制的Dymaxion House（又叫做“四维生活机器”）跟反文化一代的祖父母年岁相近。在那以后，他的一生经历了许多跌宕起伏；但毫无疑问的是，六十年代（Fuller七十岁时）是他的顶峰。他不仅在1964年登上《时代》杂志封面，而且他成了美利坚反文化运动的先知之一，而这始于他在1966年搬到湾区后在圣何塞州立大学校园里开始的长期的生活。藉由他在《全地球目录》中的作品，和其后Stewart Brand给与他的名望，富勒的职业生涯进入了最后也是最精彩的阶段。在《目录》的第一页，富勒的全部作品被版权声明下的题词高度赞扬：“此目录缘起于Buckminster Fuller的洞见。”从那时起，Fuller成为New Age系列会议、各种专题讨论会和研讨会必请的人物，他如一位法师一般巡回全球，他能将那些虔信的听众牢牢绑在座椅中长达四五个小时，听他叙述整个宇宙的历史。

What was it that made this odd figure so remarkably influential in countercultural circles? In part, it may have been his grandfatherly persona, which appealed to young people in search of wise elders and finding so few. In part, too, it might have had to do with his maverick image, that of the outcast genius scorned by the schools and the professionals, and so becoming the senior drop-out who could speak to junior drop-outs. But one must add his unique talent for self-advertisement, his capacity, by way of grandiloquent obfuscation, to make much out of little ideas and little inventions that could be sensationally clothed in cosmic pretensions. If Fuller was half Tom Swift, he was also half P. T. Barnum. And just as Barnum could turn a not very special midget or an overaged elephant into wonders of the world, so Fuller was able to parley a few modest pieces of eccentric engineering into achievements of supposedly epoch-making genius -- at least in the eyes of an audience that was in the market for technological astonishments.

究竟是什么使得这个奇怪的人物在反文化圈中具有了如此的影响力？在某种程度上，可能是因为他如慈祥老人般的人格魅力，这吸引了那些遍寻睿智长者而不见的年轻人。在某种程度上，也有可能是因为他特立独行的形象：一个被学院派和专家们排挤的圈外的天才，也因此，他能够以资深退学生的身份教导年轻的辍学生。但是，在这些原因里我们必须再加上他独特的自我营销的能力，他能够以夸张而又故作含混的方式，使许多小创意、小发明，披上惊天动地的外包装。如果说Fuller是半个Tom Swift的话，那么他也是半个P. T. Barnum。而且正如Barnum可以把一个并不十分特别的侏儒或是一头年迈的大象变成世界奇观一样，Fuller能够把若干奇怪的工程零件拼接起来，使其看上去一副划时代的天才成就的模样──至少在那些追求技术奇观的观众眼中是如此这般。

Above all, it was Fuller's worldview that caught the temper of the time and the movement. While impishly dissenting in tone, he was up-beat in spirit: hopeful, sassy, inspirational almost to the point of euphoria. Fuller was, as one biographer calls him, a "raging optimist." I must confess that, though I shared a few platforms with Fuller and did my best to appreciate his books, I never came across anything he said that managed to be, at one and the same time, original, true, significant, and understandable. Worse still, I was never able to distinguish his optimism from plain egomania; I would not have been surprised to hear him announce that he had invented a better tree. Yet, again and again, I saw him send audiences away glowing with hope and resolution. That peculiar magic made Fuller and his Bay Area disciples the major spokesmen for a philosophy of postindustrial life that has done much to shape the style and expectations of the computer industry, especially as it has grown up in Silicon Valley over the past ten years.

总之，正是富勒的世界观，吸引了那个时代和那场运动的注意。虽然他的论调充满了恶作剧般的异议，但他的精神非常积极向上：乐观，追赶潮流，并且几乎如异常欣快般地鼓舞人心。如一名传记作者所述，Fuller是一名“极度的乐观主义者。”我必须承认，虽然我同Fuller有一些观点相近，我也竭尽我所能去赏析他的作品，我却从来没有看到那些他宣称的，曾经是既创新、又真实、又显明、而且可以为人理解的那些东西。更糟的是，我没法辨别，这些究竟是他的乐观主义，或仅仅是狂妄自大而已。所以，即便是他宣布他发明了一种更牛逼的树木，我也不会惊讶。然而，一次又一次地，我看见他的观众在散场时充满希望，意志坚定，容光焕发。这奇特的魔力，使得Fuller和他在湾区的追随者们成为了后工业时代生活哲学的代言人，而正是这种哲学塑造了计算机工业的风尚和愿景，其影响尤其体现于，这些风尚和愿景在过去10年中在硅谷中的成长。

I should explain how I am using the term "postindustrial" here. I mean it in the sense that would supposedly place us permanently beyond the chronic the instability of boom and bust, the waste of life and resources, the injustice and brutality. In its postindustrial phase, our society would not simply have matured but transcended, reaching that point where our technological genius would at last have freed us from the tyranny of getting and spending, compulsive productivity and frantic consumption, mass manipulation and military necessity, so that we might live a fully human life. "Postindustrial" indicates a stage of moral, not economic, growth.

我必须解释我在这里是如何使用“后工业化”这个概念的。我所说的后工业的意义在于，那时我们将永远地超越了工业化的慢性病，超越了繁荣和萧条循环的怪圈，超越了对生活和资源的浪费，超越了不公正和暴力。在后工业化阶段的，我们的社会不仅已经成熟，而且将能够超越，那时，我们的技术天才终将能够将我们从强制性地获取和消费中解放出来，从强迫性的生产和疯狂的消费中解放出来，从大规模地欺瞒和军事动员中解放出来，那时，我们终将能够过上完整意义上的人的生活。“后工业时代”意味着一个道德发展的阶段，而非经济增长的阶段。

That utopian goal has been with us since the first appearance of the Dark Satanic Mills. But in the western world, the vision of our postindustrial future has been polarized between two very different scenarios: that of the "Reversionaries" and that of the "Technophiles."

这种乌托邦式的目标，自“黑暗的撒旦般的磨坊”（译著：语出William Blade的Milton a Poem的前言）第一次出现以来便与我们同在了。但在西方世界，我们未来的后工业时代的愿景已经分化为两种截然不同的景象：一种是由“复古主义者”描绘出的，而另一幅，则是由“技术狂人”描绘出的。

For the Reversionaries, who trace back to John Ruskin, William Morris, Prince Kropotkin, and the Romantic artists generally, industrialism is the extreme state of a cultural disease that must be cured before it kills us. It is a stage of pathological overdevelopment in the history of human economy from which a healthy technology -- usually seen as some form of communitarian handicrafts -- will have to be salvaged once the industrial system has reached the point of terminal inhumanity. The Reversionaries are what Paul Goodman would have called "neolithic conservatives." They look forward to the day when the factories and heavy machinery will be left to molder, and we will have the chance to return to the world of the village, the farm, the hunting camp, the tribe. This would lead us to a life close to the soil and the elements that needs only simple and communal pleasures to find fulfillment. This is the route that, for example, Stephen Gaskin chose for himself and his followers when they left the Experimental College at San Francisco State University in 1971.

所谓复古主义者，最早可以追溯到John Ruskin，William Morris，克鲁泡特金，更宽泛地说包括了浪漫主义艺术家，对于他们来说，工业化是一种文化病的极端状态，必须在它杀死我们之前治愈它。这是一个人类经济史中病态的过度发展的阶段，在这个阶段里，当工业体系达到非人道的极点时，我们便必须拯救健康的技术──这通常表现为某种形式的社群性的手工艺。这些复古主义者被Paul Goodman称为“新石器时代保守派”。他们期待着有一天，工厂和重型机械将让位于模塑，我们将能够回到一个由村庄、农场、狩猎营地、部落组成的世界。这将会令我们的生活更贴近土地和其他基本元素，这种生活中，人们只需要一些简单的乐趣，和社群的娱乐，便可幸福满足。具体举例来说，这便是Stephen Gaskin在1971年离开旧金山州立大学时为自己和他的追随者们选择的道路。

Through the middle and later sixties, Gaskin, a former assistant to San Francisco State Professor S. I. Hayakawa, had been teaching a "Monday Night Class" in the student-financed and controlled Experimental College. When the class began to draw some several hundred students, it moved for a brief period to Glide Memorial Church in downtown San Francisco and identified itself as a "religion," with Gaskin as its guru. Finally in late 1971, Gaskin organized a mass exodus via bus caravan that made its way to a 1700 acre farm in Tennessee. The philosophy of the settlement was simple living and "guaranteed good karma." Some have identified Gaskin's following of reconstructed urbanites as "voluntary peasants." Gaskin puts it this way:

在六十年代中后期，Gaskin，作为旧金山州立大学教授S. I. Hayakawa（萨缪埃尔·早川）的助手，在由学生出资并运营的Experimental College开设了“周一晚间课程”。当整个班级吸引了数百名学生后，它短暂地搬去了旧金山市中心的Glide Memorial Church开课，并自称为一“宗教”，而Gaskin便是该教的宗师。终于，在1971年底，Gaskin用大巴车组织了一次大迁徙，将所有人搬去了田纳西州一个1700英亩的农场。这个定居点的哲学，是简单的生活，“保证你有好果报”。一些人将Gaskin重建的这个小城的居民称为“志愿农民”。Gaskin如是说：

What we are really into is making a living in a clean way. I guess farming is about the cleanest way to make a living. It's just you and the dirt and God. And the dirt -- you can't make friends with an acre of ground and get it to give you an "A" like in college or something. If you make friends with it, you have to put work into it, and then it'll come back and feed you, it'll really do it. But you can't snow it or anything like that -- it's going to be real with you. (Resurgence, No. 59, Nov.-Dec., 1976, London, p. 12.)

我们真正感兴趣的，是以一种清洁的方式谋生。我觉得经营农场大约是最清洁的一种谋生方式了。这种方式只依赖你自己，和土地，还有上帝。说到土地──你固然是没法与一英亩泥土成为朋友，然后像在大学里那样让它给你一个“A”。如果你想同它成为朋友，你必须在其上劳作，然后它便会回过身来哺育你，它真的会这样做。但是你不能蒙骗它，或是使诈，等等等等──它会和你动真格的。（Resurgence, No. 59, Nov.-Dec., 1976, London, p. 12.）

The result of Gaskin's philosophy in application was to be one of the few long-term communitarian ventures to come out of the sixties. By dint of hard work, fraternal sharing, and minimal consumption, The Farm managed to prosper into the 1980's on a regimen of soybeans and natural childbirth.

Gaskin的哲学在应用层面上的果实便是六十年代后少数仍然长期坚持运作的社群。通过艰苦努力，成员间如兄弟姐妹般地共享，以及最低限度的消费，农场（The Farm）依靠大豆种植，和成员的自然生育，成功地持续运作至1980年代。

Over against this stratagem of radical withdrawal and reversion, we have the technophiliac vision of our industrial destiny, a modem current of thought that flows back to Saint-Simon, Robert Owen, and H. G. Wells. For these utopian industrialists, as for Buckminster Fuller after them, the cure for our industrial ills will not be found in things past, but in Things To Come. Indeed, it will be found at the climax of the industrial process. What is required, therefore, is not squeamish reversion, but brave perseverance. We must adapt resourcefully to industrialism as a necessary stage of social evolution, monitoring the process with a cunning eye for its life-saving potentialities. As we approach the crisis that threatens calamity, we must grasp these opportunities as they emerge and use them to redeem the system from within. The way out of our dilemma is to tunnel fearlessly through until we reach daylight.

在这种激进的退隐和复古战略的反面，我们还有一个来自技术狂的对工业化命运的愿景，而这股思潮，可以追溯回圣西门、罗伯特·欧文，和H. G. 威尔斯。对于这些乌托邦主义企业家，以及他们之后的Buckminster Fuller来说，医治工业病的药不在旧事物中中，而是在未来的新事物中。而且，人们将在工业化的最高峰找到这一良方。因此，我们所必需的，不是娇气地复古退隐，而是勇敢执着地坚守。我们必须机智地适应工业化这一社会进化的必经阶段，并且密切地关注其拯救生命的潜在可能。当灾难和危机的威胁来临时，我们必须抓住机遇，自工业化体制的内部进行救赎。我们离开困局的出路就是勇敢穿过隧道，直到我们到达光明的出口。

One recognizes at once the familiar Marxist pattern of history in this vision. As against the utopian visionaries who would abscond from industrial society, Marx insisted that the logic of history had to be worked through in its proper phases: from feudalism to capitalism, from capitalism to socialism, from socialism to communism. But one also notices that in Fuller's foreshortened version of the philosophy, we are dealing with the views of a technician, not a political economist. In sharp contrast to Marx, Fuller was a sociological illiterate. There is simply no political context to his thought. Instead, where Marx deals in class conflict and political power, Fuller offers us . . . inventions. That is what the industrial system produces. Its inventions are simply to be appropriated by clever engineers like Fuller and used to save the human race. The inventions make possible things the capitalist owners cannot envision. But mavericks like Fuller, purporting to stand outside the system, recognize these possibilities and hasten to take advantage of them. As Fuller put it:

在技术狂的愿景中，我们立刻就能发现熟悉的马克思主义史学逻辑。同乌托邦式的自工业社会归隐的理想相反，马克思坚持认为，历史的逻辑，必须循序渐进地经过若干阶段：从封建主义到资本主义，从资本主义到社会主义，从社会主义到共产主义。但是我们也可以发现，在前述的Fuller的哲学的缩略版中，我们的视野是一个技术人员的，而不是一个政治经济学家的。富勒本人是一个社会学文盲，与马克思形成了鲜明对比。他的思想根本没有任何政治含义。于是当马克思提出阶级斗争和政治权力问题的时候，富勒为我们提供的是……科技发明。而这正是工业体系所生产出的东西。工业发明只能由像Fuller这般的聪明的工程师加以利用，用来挽救人类。这些发明能够使资本家无法想象的事情成为可能。但是，像Fuller这样特立独行的人，身处体制之外，便能认识到这些可能性，并快速取得领先优势。正如Fuller所说：

The individual can take initiative without anybody's permission. Only individuals can . . . look for the principles manifest in their experience that others may be overlooking because they are too preoccupied with how to please some boss or with how to earn money. . . .The individual is the only one who could think in a cosmically adequate manner. (Robert Snyder, Buckminster Fuller, An Autobiographical Monologue/Scenario, New York, St. Martin's Press, 1970, p. 38)

独立的个人不需要任何人的许可便可以行动起来。只有独立的个人能够……找寻到体现在他们经验之中的那些被其他人所忽视的准则，而他们忽视的原因往往在于他们醉心于讨好老板或是挣钱……只有独立的个人才能够以宇宙般广阔的尺度进行思考。（Robert Snyder, Buckminster Fuller, An Autobiographical Monologue/Scenario, New York, St. Martin's Press, 1970, p. 38）

Thus, these "individuals" outsmart and outflank the high and the mighty, who, one is left to conclude, simply surrender to their superior insight.

因此，这些“个人”在思想和行动上都超越了那些位高权重的人，对于他们我们也只能认为，他们将在更高的智慧面前臣服。

What is an example of such a clever gambit? Well, Fuller was a man of one example, the invention he always fell back on to prove every point: the geodesic dome, on which he held the patent. Had not advanced engineering and industrial technology made this stupendous invention possible? And was not the whole history of the world going to be transformed by the dome? QED.

又有谁是这样的一种策略的范例呢？其实，Fuller自己便是一个典型，他也每每提及他拥有专利的穹顶型建筑引以为证。如果没有先进的工程和工业技术，这惊人的发明有可能实现吗？难道不正是这穹顶建筑将要改变世界的历史吗？证明完毕。

There was a cult of the geodesic dome during the sixties. It began with the popular dome books of San Francisco architect Lloyd Kahn, who was converted to domesmanship by Fuller when the inventor came to the San Francisco Bay Area. Thanks to Kahn's books and The Whole Earth Catalog, the hope sprang up that communities of domes might blossom overnight outside major cities -- like barbarian encampments embodying the new postindustrial culture. (As far as I'm aware, the closest approach to that goal was Drop City near Trinidad Colorado, a "weed patch commune" whose several funky structures were rigged up out of salvaged junk from the nearest city dump.) The dome quickly became more than an architectural eccentricity; it came to symbolize a new, worldwide style of shelters which combined the values of simplicity, economy, durability, communalism, and whose tetrahedron units had (so Fuller insisted) tapped the deep geometrical logic of the cosmos.

在六十年代人们对于穹顶建筑几近痴迷。穹顶建筑的流行始于旧金山建筑师Lloyd Kahn的书籍，而他正是受Fuller影响而转向关注穹顶建筑的。也由于Kahn的书籍和《全地球目录》的影响，人们开始期盼，一夜之间穹顶建筑社区就可以在大城市周围萌发出来──就好像那些体现了新后工业文化的野蛮人营地一样。（据我所知，最接近这个目标的是靠近Trinidad Colorado的水珠之城Drop City，那地方被称为“杂草公社”，里面的几个怪异的建筑都是用附近城市垃圾场里捞出来的东西建造的。）很快地，穹顶建筑不再仅仅是怪异的建筑了；它更象征着一种新的，世界性的人居风尚，它结合了简单、经济、耐用、和社群主义的价值观，而且其四面体的单元（如Fuller坚持道）在深层次表现了整个宇宙的几何逻辑。

Fuller's followers were quick to take his claims for the dome at full value. As one of the founders of Drop City pronounced:

Fuller的追随者们很快便将他对于穹顶建筑的主张发扬光大到了极致。如水珠之城的一位创始人所说：

To live in a dome is -- psychologically -- to be in closer harmony with natural structure. Macrocosm and microcosm are recreated, both the celestial sphere and molecular and crystalline forms. Cubical buildings are structurally weak and uneconomic. Corners constrict the mind. Domes break into new dimensions. They help to open man's perception and expand his approaches to creativity. The dichotomy between utilitarian and aesthetic, between artist and layman is broken down. (Bill Voyd, "Drop City," in Theodore Roszak, ed. Sources, New York, Harper & Row, 1972, p. 276)

生活在穹顶建筑中──在心理上──便与自然结构更加和谐。宏观宇宙和微观宇宙都得到重建，无论是天球或是分子和晶体都开始显形。立方体建筑结构脆弱且不经济。边角会禁锢心灵。穹顶则打开了全新的维度。他们能够帮助解放人的感知力，拓展人的创造能力。功利与审美、艺术家和普通人之间的界限被瓦解。（Bill Voyd, "Drop City," in Theodore Roszak, ed. Sources, New York, Harper & Row, 1972, p. 276）

Another dome missionary proclaimed:

另一个穹顶建筑教的传教士宣称：

Soon domed cities will spread across the world, anywhere land is cheap -- on the deserts, in the swamps, on mountains, tundra, ice caps. The tribes are moving, building completely free and open waystations, each a warm and beautiful conscious environment. We are winning. (Hugh Gardner, Children of Prosperity, New York, St. Martin's Press, 1978, p.37)

穹顶城市将很快在世界各地出现，只要是土地便宜的地方──沙漠，沼泽，群山，苔原，冰盖。部族在迁徙，在建立完全自由和开放的驿站，每一站都有一个温馨美丽的自觉的环境。我们正在取得胜利。（Hugh Gardner, Children of Prosperity, New York, St. Martin's Press, 1978, p.37）

Now there were a number of problems with domes. Most of them, even those built in the deserts, the swamps, the mountains, had to have their struts and shafts and connectors, their plywood and fiberglass, shipped in from some distant industrial metropolis. And none of them were all that much cheaper or easier to build than a Quonset hut or a Butler barn. And most of them leaked, unless they were shielded by a vast and fragile plastic skin, again imported from the metropolis. And none could be insulated unless they were sprayed or coated with an industrial chemical. And none of them in style or structural substance ever bore any respectful relationship to their locality. Indeed, the dome was designed by its maker to be placeless, meant to be plunked down anywhere from the Arctic to the tropics as an assertion of the global industrial dominance. But none of this seemed to matter to the dome enthusiasts; by virtue of Fuller's intoxicating rhetoric and boundless optimism, the dome was seen as an icon of our social salvation.

然而穹顶建筑是有一些问题的。他们中的大多数，尤其是在沙漠，沼泽，山区建造的，都必须把所需的支柱、连轴和连接件，以及胶合板和玻璃纤维，从距离遥远的工业化大都市运送至工地。其中没有一个比Quonset hut（译注：一种形似蔬菜大棚的建筑）或是尖顶的谷仓更便宜或更容易建造。而且他们中的大多数都会漏雨，除非他们用一张巨大但又脆弱的塑料皮把顶蒙上，而这种塑料膜，仍然是要从大都市进口的。而且他们不保温，除非他们用化学工业品喷涂表面。而且他们在风格上或结构上都与他们的所在地格格不入。事实上，穹顶建筑是被设计为无所凭依的，这意味着，作为一种工业统驭全球的象征，它是可以被栽到任何地方的，无论是北极还是赤道之上。但是，这一切对于穹顶的拥趸似乎都无关紧要；凭借Fuller醉人的花言巧语和无穷的乐观，穹顶被视为对社会进行救赎的标志。

Fuller was not alone in extrapolating the technophiliac vision of postindustrial history There were others, each of whom became, at some point, a countercultural favorite. There was Marshall McLuhan, who saw the electronic media as the secret of building a new "global village" that was somehow cozy, participative, and yet at the same time technologically sophisticated. There was Paolo Soleri, who believed that the solution to the ecological crisis of the modem world was the building of megastructural "arcologies" -- beehive cities in which the urban billions could be compacted into totally artificial environments. There was Gerard O'Neill, who barnstormed the country whipping up enthusiasm for one of the zaniest schemes of all: the launching of self-contained space colonies for the millions. For a few years, O'Neill became a special fascination of Stewart Brand and The Whole Earth Catalog (later The Co-Evolution Quarterly). In each of these cases, one sees the same assumption brought into play: the industrial process, pushed to its limit, generates its own best medicine. Out of the advanced research of the electronics, plastics, chemical, and aerospace industries, there emerge solutions to all our political and environmental problems.

Fuller并不是在独自推广后工业化时代的技术狂的愿景。还有其他人，他们中的每一个，在某个时刻，都曾为反文化运动追捧。其中便有马歇尔·麦克卢汉，他将电子媒体视为建设一个全新的“地球村”的秘诀，这一地球村带有某种惬意和温情，和集体参与性，同时又拥有非常成熟的科技。其中还有Paolo Soleri，他相信，现代社会生态危机的解决办法是超大规模的“arcologies”（生态建筑，由architecture建筑和ecology生态两词缩合而成）──那是一种装若蜂窝的城市，数以十亿计的城市人口完全可以被塞进这个完全人工的环境中。还有杰拉德·奥尼尔 Gerard O'Neill，他巡回全国煽动推销的是一个疯狂到极点的计划：建造可以容纳达百万人的自给自足的太空殖民地。有那么几年，O'Neill迷倒了Stewart Brand和《全地球目录》的读者（《目录》后来改为《共同进化季刊The Co-Evolution Quarterly》）。从这些例子中，我们能发现一个共同的前提假设：工业化进程，被推到了极限后，便能生产出医治自身的最佳良药。在对电子、塑胶、化工、航空航天行业的高精尖研究中，我们能够发现解决所有的政治和环境问题的方案。

If we delve a bit deeper into the origins of the counter culture -- back to the late fifties and early sixties -- we find what may be the most significant connection between the reversionary and technophiliac wings of the movement. In the beginning, there was the music -- always the major carrier of the movement: folk, then rock and roll, then rock in all its permutations. Early on, the music, as it was performed in concert and in the new clubs of the period, took on a special mode of presentation. Its power came from electronic amplification; it borrowed from the apparatus. As grungy as the rock audience may have been, it wanted its music explosively amplified and expertly modulated; it wanted to hear the beat through its pores. Acoustic was not enough; the music needed machines. In this form, with nothing added, rock was supposedly sufficient to produce mind blowing results. "By itself," the San Francisco psychedelic philosopher Chester Anderson proclaimed

如果我们更加深入地探寻反文化的渊源的话──回到五十年代末六十年代初──我们或许便能找到这场运动中复古派和技术狂这两派之间最重要的关联。从一开始，音乐便是连接两派的纽带──音乐也始终是运动的主要载体：先是民谣，然后是摇滚，再然后，是各种流派的摇滚乐。在早期，各种现场音乐会，以及在那个时期中间出现的俱乐部演出，成为了一种特殊的表达方式。它的力量来自于电子放大器；借自于机器。尽管摇滚乐的观众可能非常邋遢，摇滚乐仍然力图爆炸式地放大，并精细地调制其声响；它希望能透过毛孔听到节奏。不插电的乐声是不够的；音乐需要机器。在这种形式中，无需其他东西，摇滚乐便足以产生令人兴奋的结果。“就其本身而言，”旧金山迷幻哲学家Chester Anderson宣称

without the aid of strobe lights, day-glo paints, and other subimaginative copouts, rock engages the entire sensorium, appealing to the intelligence with no interference from the intellect. . . . Rock is a tribal phenomenon and constitutes what may be called a twentieth century magic. . . . Rock is creating the social rituals of the future. (San Francisco Oracle, No. 6, 1967)

无需频闪舞台灯，荧光漆，或是其他缺乏想象力的手段，摇滚便能吸引人的所有感知，也无需思辨便能吸引人的智识……摇滚是一个部族现象，它构成了我们称为二十世纪之魔力的东西……摇滚正创造着未来的社交仪式。（San Francisco，No. 6，1967）

But soon enough, the audience wanted even more. It wanted ecstasies for the eye as well as the ear. Hence the light shows that began in San Francisco and, in the course of the middle sixties, rapidly became an adjunct of rock performances across the country.

但没过多久，观众便想要更多。他们不仅渴求听觉的狂欢，还渴求视觉的狂欢。因此，光影演出，在旧金山兴起，并且自六十年代中期开始，迅速成为全国范围内摇滚演出的辅助表演手段。

The first light shows performed in the United States were developed as a fine art at San Francisco State College in the early fifties. In 1952, Professor Seymour Locks staged a highly ambitious three projector show with live music to inaugurate the school's new Creative Arts Building, where a national conference of art educators was being hosted. Locks, together with other members of the San Francisco State Art Department, went on to pioneer a sizeable repertory of liquid projection and colored light techniques through the later fifties. By the start of the next decade, the new art form was being reworked by many hands, but nowhere more daringly than in the San Francisco rock clubs. There the light shows, augmented by strobe lights and phosphorescent colors, were more than an aesthetic medium; they had been seized upon at once as a way of reproducing and/or occasioning psychedelic experience. They were the visual signature of dope. And from the very outset, the premier dope of the era, LSD, was itself a technology, a laboratory product, the result of advanced research at the Swiss pharmaceutical house of Sandoz and Company.

美国本土的光影演出，最早是在50年代早起在旧金山州立大学（San Francisco State College）作为一个美术门类发展起来的。1952年，Seymour Locks教授用三台投影仪举办了一场非常雄心勃勃的光影演出，并且辅以现场演奏的音乐，为学校新建的创意艺术大楼揭幕，而当时在楼内正在举行一场艺术教育工作者的全国性会议。Locks教授，同旧金山州立大学艺术系的其他成员一起，在50年代后期，排演了一系列先锋光影秀，主要手法包括了彩色液晶投影，以及彩色光影技术等。到了60年代的早期，这一新的艺术形式已经经过很多艺术家的改造，但仍远不及旧金山摇滚俱乐部中的演出大胆先锋。在那里，光影演出，经由闪光灯和磷光色彩增强后，已经不仅仅是一种单纯的艺术审美介质；自一开始它便被认为是一种可以复制 和/或 引发迷幻体验的表演方式。他们从视觉上展现了毒品的特征。而且从一开始，那个时代最重要的毒品，迷幻剂LSD，本身就是一个技术产物，是一个实验室产品，是瑞士山德士制药公司（Sandoz and Company）尖端科研的结果。

In the early postwar period, LSD and other laboratory hallucinogens belonged to a small, elite public, made up primarily of top-dollar psychiatrists and their high-society clientele. At that time, before LSD had acquired a criminal aura and had been outlawed, mainstream publications like Time and Life were prepared to publicize its many therapeutic benefits. But by the early sixties, the hallucinogens had found another, less respectable public; they were being touted among the beat poets and dropped-out kids in the streets of Haight-Ashbury and Greenwich Village as the salvation of our troubled culture. Soon Timothy Leary was proselytizing for dope across America; in the Bay Area, as of 1966, Ken Kesey and his Merry Pranksters were blithely dosing whole audiences on this mysterious elixir (or promising to do so) at the Acid Tests and at the Trips Festival.

在战后初期，LSD和其他实验室中合成的致幻剂仅掌握在一小批精英手中，他们主要是顶尖的精神科医生和一些他们属于上流社会的病人。当时，在LSD背负上毒品的罪名并被取缔之前，诸如时代周刊和生活杂志之类的主流出版物都在准备开始宣传其临床疗效。但到了六十年代初，一群不那么可爱的人接触到了致幻剂；一些人开始以拯救我们业已陷入困境的文化为名，向垮派诗人和Haight-Ashbury以及格林威治村街头的辍学青年们兜售这些毒品。不久Timothy Leary便在全美各地开始宣传这种毒品；在湾区，1966年时，Ken Kesey和他的恶作剧伙伴们（Ken Kesey and his Merry Pranksters）在Acid Tests和Trips Festival上也向所有观众随意派发这种神秘的万灵药（或者说至少他们许诺如此）。

The assumption underlying these mass distribution efforts was blunt and simple: dope saves your soul. Like the Catholic sacraments, it takes effect ex opere operato -- by its very ministration. Once this promise crossed wires with the growing interest in oriental mysticism, the psychedelics had been launched as a cultural force. It seemed clear that the research laboratories of the western world -- including those of the giant pharmaceutical corporations -- had presented the world with a substitute for the age-old spiritual disciplines of the East. Instead of a lifetime of structured contemplation, a few drops of home brewed acid on a vitamin pill would do the trick. It was the short cut to satori.

暗含在这些大批量分发行为之下的前提假设是简单生硬的：毒品能够拯救你的灵魂。同天主教的圣事一样，它具有“事效性”──无论是否理解与接受，仅由着圣事其本身，它便是有效的。而当此承诺与对东方神秘主义与日俱增的兴趣联系并交织在一起后，迷幻体验便成为了一种文化力量。似乎很清楚的是，西方世界的科研实验室──包括那些大制药公司在内──向全世界提供了一种可以替代东方古老的精神操练的物质。我们不再需要终其一生的进行系统的沉思，而只要在维生素药片上滴几滴家中自酿的酸性药物便会有同样的效果了。这是通往禅悟的捷径。

"Better Things For Better Living Through Chemistry" ran the slogan of the DuPont Company. And thousands of acid heads were ready to agree. They had heard the music; they had seen the colored lights; they had sampled the dope. Nothing did more to tilt the counter culture toward a naive Technophilia than this seductive trio of delights. If the high tech of the western world could offer so great a spiritual treasure, then why not more?

“化学令生活更美好”（Better Things For Better Living Through Chemistry）是杜邦公司的口号。成千上万磕迷幻药的“药头”（acid heads）肯定都会同意这句话。他们听到了音乐；他们看到了彩色灯光；他们已经尝试了药品。再没有什么别的东西，能比这诱人的三件套组合更能将反文化运动领向一个幼稚的技术狂的方向上去了。如果西方世界的高科技可以提供如此巨大的精神财富，那为何不继续发展科技呢？

Here, I suspect, is the reason why Buckminster Fuller, Marshall McLuhan, and the other technophiliac utopians struck such a responsive chord among the countercultural young. Acid and rock had prepared an audience for their message, and prepared it in an especially persuasive way that undercut the cerebral levels. For the psychedelics are a powerful, even a shattering experience. Combined with the music and the lights in a total assault upon the senses, they can indeed make anything seem possible. They induce a sense of grandeur and a euphoria that may make the grimmest political realities seem like paper tigers. At the same time, the experience connects -- or so its proselytizers always insisted -- with primordial mystical powers of the mind that still flourish, or might still flourish, in exotic quarters of the globe among native practitioners and traditional peoples like Carlos Casteneda's legendary Don Juan. This experience, purchased out of the laboratories of our industrial culture, somehow allies its disciples with the ancient, the primitive, the tribal. Its proper use is among huddled comrades, gathered in a sacramental hush in park or field, on the beach, in the wilderness, or the enfolding darkness of an urban den. Here, then, we find the same striking blend of the sophisticated-scientific and the natural-communal that Buckminster Fuller claimed for the geometry of the geodesic dome, and that the Silicon Valley hackers would eventually claim for the personal computer. "This generation absolutely swallowed computers whole, just like dope," Stewart Brand observed in a February 1985 interview in San Francisco Focus Magazine. There may be more literal truth to the metaphor than he intended.

这，我怀疑，便是Buckminster Fuller、Marshall McLuhan，和其他技术狂乌托邦分子同反文化运动中青年们之间产生如此共鸣的原因。迷幻剂和摇滚已经令观众们在精神上做好了准备以迎接他们将要传递的讯息，这种准备方式又十分地具有说服力，削弱了他们理性思考的能力。因为迷幻体验是一种强大的，甚至是破坏性的体验。同音乐和灯光结合全面地刺激人的感官后，他们确实可以令任何事情看上去成为可能。它们诱导了一种光辉灿烂和乐观的情绪，从而使最严峻的政治现实也似乎像是纸老虎。与此同时，这种体验，在全世界的各个角落，将土著巫医以及Carlos Casteneda的传奇人物唐璜心灵中那仍有活力，或者仍有可能生发出的原始的神秘力量与人们连接了起来──至少迷幻剂的宣扬者始终如此坚称。这种自工业文化中的实验室里购买而来的体验，从某种角度来说，与古老、原始的部落价值观是统一的。药品的正确使用方法，是与同志们挤在一起，同他们安静神圣地聚集在公园、空地、沙滩、旷野中，或是在都市中一个阴暗的小屋里。于是，在这里，我们再一次发现了令人惊异的先进科技与和自然社区的融合，Fuller曾经声称穹顶建筑的几何形状体现了这融合，而硅谷黑客最终也将声称个人电脑体现了这种融合。“这一代人已经完全将电脑吞了下去，就像毒品一样，”Stewart Brand在1985年2月接受旧金山焦点杂志（San Francisco Focus Magazine）的采访时如是说。这句比喻在字面上的真实度或许比他预期的要多一些吧。

• The Times They Keep A-Changin'
  
• The Gathering of the Tribes
• Organic Commonwealth and Buddhist Anarchy
• A Taste for Industrial Light and Magic
• Reversionaries and Technophiles
• Machines of Loving Grace
• The Short Cut to Satori
• The Light that Failed?
• A Vision Both Bright and Dark

Some Afterthoughts in the Year 2000

• Nerds, Zombies, and the Flight from Mortality
• Down Among the Cyberpunks